Hi folks, it has been quite an eventful week. Unfortunately, I do not have time this week to do a big coverage of every topic. So I asked in my Substack chat group, that between Taiwan and the upcoming, highly anticipated 3rd Plenum, which one you would prefer me to talk about. Although a slight majority of voters prefer the 3rd Plenum, I have still decided to only talk about Taiwan for this week, as the 3rd Plenum is still a few weeks away and there may be more developments later.
Besides these two topics, for the paying subscribers of
, next week I will also explain what the major breakthroughs are in this week’s big State Council document supporting our venture capital industry. Being someone who just wrote a very popular article lamenting the demise (and hoping for a rebirth) of China’s venture capital industry, I think I am qualified to write about the first major policy response to this problem. So stay tuned at Baiguan.FT’s big Taiwan scoop
Last weekend, the Financial Times dropped a huge piece of news that got quickly buried in the news cycles. Journalists Demetri Sevastopulo and Joe Leahy wrote:
China’s President Xi Jinping told European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen that Washington was trying to goad Beijing into attacking Taiwan, according to people familiar with the matter.
Xi issued the warning in a meeting with von der Leyen in April 2023 that was described to the Financial Times by several people. He said the US was trying to trick China into invading Taiwan, but that he would not take the bait. Another person said he had issued similar warnings to his officials.
Now, different people will interpret this kind of information differently. For me, I think 1) very likely this conversation did take place and 2) Xi meant it. I also think a significant number of American political establishments do want China to go to war over Taiwan. If war is chosen, China will most likely be significantly weakened, no matter winning or losing. I would really be surprised if the likes of Matt Pottinger and Mike Gallagher, the “No Substitute for Victory” camp in the DC, do not secretly wish for this perfect scenario.
But it’s natural the outside world might interpret this differently. Most of the commentators who are suspicious of this are along this line of logic: “Xi must be faking it, by playing the victim. He is just like Putin, who claimed the US goaded Russia into war! ”
I disagree with this kind of view.
First, there are in fact two major pieces of information in this news. The first one, the one that makes it into the headline, is that “Xi believes the US wants China to attack Taiwan”. But the second piece, which does not make it into the headline, is actually more important: “Xi says he will not take the bait”. He was not using this perceived trap from the US to reinforce the idea that we should prepare for war. Instead, what he explicitly said, if the FT story is true, forbade his underlings to fall into this trap.
Second, even if you disagree with the “baiting narrative”, it's necessary to deal with this new reality that the Chinese side “believes” it’s true. Words, which can never be fully trusted, do carry weight. And please remember when he says things like this, it’s not just a signal for the international audience, but for the domestic audience as well. The same domestic audience includes at least millions of members (military, intelligence, logistics, suppliers, etc) he would rely on and mobilize for any big expedition. Saying something here while doing something to the opposite is very hard to do, operationally, because it would be just so confusing for everyone involved. Such words would be a disaster for any war preparation efforts. So it’s very unlikely if he doesn’t mean it.
Finally, there is also a possible scenario that few outsiders talk about. Although China as a whole wants no war, it’s not unthinkable that certain radical elements in its power structure may actually hope for it. After all, it’s not just the US that has hot-headed radicals such as Pottinger and Gallagher.
While a typical Western mind is only able to attribute the decision of War & Peace to the whims of a single person like President Xi, you have to remember not every war was started by the top leaders1. It’s usually the mid-level provocateurs, fancying for personal glory but lacking long-term vision for the common good, the Pottingers and the Gallaghers, who are the biggest headache.
So it’s theoretically possible that Xi may be not only signaling his intent for no war here, but also sending an explicit warning to command the radical elements to stand down. This possibility is purely my guesswork. I have no evidence to prove it, so listen to me at your own peril.
Whatever is true, one thing is for sure: the chance for war in the Taiwan Strait in any foreseeable future has just been materially weakened. That’s why I think this news is very significant, so as to warrant a top mention in this newsletter. As you all know,
only aims to cover the events that really matter, beyond the noise.[For the rest of this article, I will comment on Xi’s letter to celebrate the 100-year anniversary of Whampoa Academy, which has a special place in Chinese history as well as implications for Taiwan as well. This section will be behind the paywall for 5 days.
Please consider being my patron and join my community if you wish to read it sooner. If you are a paid subscriber of Baiguan, please DM me for complimentary access]
The centennial anniversary of Whampoa Military Academy
Only a few days later after the FT scoop, in a related event, Xi wrote a letter to commemorate the 100-year anniversary of the Whampoa Military Academy. This is the institution that carried a huge weight in the history of modern China, so this gesture from Xi carried a significant connotation. For those of you who are less familiar with this part of history, let me explain.
Whampoa was really the birthplace of the modern Chinese military. It was the birthplace of top generals in BOTH the Kuomintang and Communist armies. Chiang Kai-Shek got his power base in KMT by being its founding school principal. Zhou Enlai, PRC’s smooth-talking founding premier, was its head of the political department. At Whampoa, he worked directly under Chiang, who would be Zhou’s arch-enemy a few years later. Most of Chiang’s top generals graduated from Whampoa, and so were more than half of the top Communist marshals and generals at the founding of the People’s Republic.
Just months ago, during the Spring Festival holiday, I finally got to visit Whampoa in Guangzhou. It was just amazing to witness for myself that China’s civil war between KMT and the communists was arguably a schoolyard fight between former classmates who once slept on those bunker beds together and that so much history, conflicts, and cohesion of 20th-century China packed into this small schoolyard.
And such is the symbolism of Whampoa. It’s a symbol of a broken family whose members once fought battles side by side but later fought among themselves. It’s the symbol of a civil war that has never officially ended but is frozen in limbo by the Strait and bigger geopolitical dynamics.
Because it’s a limbo, the Whampoa Military Academy still exists today, in the form of the Republic of China Military Academy, based in Taiwan. (I tried to link to their official website detailing their own history, but I can only find it on Google but can’t open it at all. Can you see this page?)
Xi’s letter was also addressed to the 40-year anniversary of the “Alumni Association” of Whampoa, which was established in 1984 with Marshal 徐向前 Xu Xiangqian, one of the “Ten Great Marshals” of the PRC, as its founding chairman. But other members include notable KMT generals such as Gen. 宋希濂 Song Xilian, Gen. 郑洞国 Zheng Dongguo, among many others. The alumni, who were once old foes hellbent on killing each other, literally came back together to party again. In this sense, Whampoa also became a symbol of unity, then conflict, and then reconciliation.
It’s a reminder for the outside world that China sees the question of Taiwan, where half of the Whampoa graduates fled to in 1949, remains a family feud. Because it’s about family, no external power should insert itself into it. And also precisely because it’s about family, China itself has no appetite for violence. The reconciliation for the civil war is long overdue. It’s simply tragic to add another chapter to this tragedy. China will choose violence if forced to do so, but we will try our utmost to avoid it.
Just as an unrelated historical analogy to help illustrate my point, it’s well-known that many pivotal wars waged by Imperial Japan were started not by the top leadership, but by mid-level conspirators. In the Mukden Incident of 1931, one colonel and one lieutenant colonel independently carried out a sabotage operation that prompted Japan to invade Manchuria.
This is very encouraging. It would be a good idea to turn down the temperature in the Taiwan straits. There is too much to lose and too little to gain by a conflict
Hi, Mr Wu
Yes, I can indeed see the content on the page. The English version of Whampoa History is only one page with the following content:
For more than a decade after the founding of the Republic of China in 1911, the country was mostly ruled by warlords and at the mercy of the imperialist powers because of lacking a true revolutionary army. During this period the Republic existed in name only. In 1924 Dr. Sun Yat-sen decided to establish a military academy at Whampoa in Guangdong Province, and he appointed Chiang Kai-shek to be superintendent of the Academy. This Academy was to bear the responsibility for training revolutionary cadres and establishing a revolutionary army. On June 16,at the ceremony marking the beginning of classes at the Academy held on June 16th, Dr. Sun Yat-sen proclaimed the school motto of “esprit de corps,” and issued a written exhortations. The text of the exhortation was: "The Three Principles of the People is the doctrine of our Party. We will establish a republic, promote unity, and gather worthy individuals to serve as the vanguard of the People. We will work diligently day and night in obedience to the tenets of our doctrine. We vow to be brave and hard-working. "We shall be loyal trustworthy, of one heart and one mind from the beginning to the end of our undertaking. "Dr. Sun Yat-sen thus revealed his intention to create a never-ending stream of indomitable revolutionary solders, and entrusted the great task of saving China to the academy's instructors and cadets. In 1927 the words of the exhortation were put to music to be the new national anthem.
Although the republic almost collapsed due to financial weakness and warlords' attack during the academy's early years, the instructors and cadets worked hard and displayed great esprit de corps. Following the personal example of Chiang Kai-shek, the Whampoa spirit of "sacrifice, solidarity, and responsibility" was firmly planted. The cadets had to fight and study at the same time, each person had to do the work of many. First they succeeded in consolidating the revolutionary heartland by quelling rebellions in Guangdong province. Afterwards the revolutionary army with the cadets and instructors of Whampoa as its backbone completed the Northern Expedition, routed the communists, and won final victory in the War against Japan.
In response to changing external circumstances, the location of the Whampoa Academy was moved three times. The academy moved first to Nanjing in 1928 following the success of the Northern Expedition, and then to Chengtu in 1937 during the War against Japan. During this war many branch schools and officer-training teams were established in order to bolster the Army's strength. In 1950 the Whampoa Academy was re-established at Fengshan in Taiwan. In order to rebuild the Army to be a modern fighting force, a new university system of education was introduced in 1954 and has been implemented until the present. Although curriculum reform has been instituted several times during this period, and adopted some of the strengths of western military education, the outstanding Whampoa tradition still enables the school to continue to build graduates who are both officers and gentlemen.
The Chinese version has a lot more content divided over 5 sub-sections:
民國初肇,軍閥割據,列強環伺,國事內憂外患,為建立國家武力,培養健全的革命幹部, 國父決議設立軍官學校,乃於民國十三年五月二日於廣州市長洲島創校,任命中正先生為校長,並親頒「親愛精誠」校訓暨開學訓詞(後為國歌歌詞)勗勉師生,因應時局三度遷校。
分為黃埔時期(十三年~十六年)、南京時期(十七年~二十六年)、成都時期(二十七年~三十八)及鳳山時期(三十九年迄今),並於四十三年改制為四年大學教育,為國軍培育文武兼備之幹部廿八萬餘人。
黃埔時期,學生接受軍事教育並編成教導團,陸續參與商團之役,東征時期-棉湖、惠州之役,北伐時期-泗汀橋、龍潭之役,在在以寡敵眾,所向披靡, 終能全國統一,爾後各期先賢學長,前仆後繼,投入剿共、抗日及確保台、 澎、 金、 馬 之基地,均以保國衛民為神聖使命,肇建黃埔國家共榮之事功。
回顧建校初期以五百支步槍肇基,憑藉「不貪財,不怕死,愛國家,愛百姓」之高尚志節, 抱「升官發財請往他處,貪生畏死勿入斯門」之精神,為國家興亡而捨生取義,我黃埔弟子當以「今日我以黃埔為榮,明日黃埔以我為榮」自詡,在學期間應懷抱頂天立地的豪情,蓄養正大光明的胸懷,堅持正義的道德勇氣,以培養勇毅穩健的軍人氣質,成為國軍卓越之領導人才,蔚為國用。
黃埔時期•黃埔肇創,建軍伊始(民國十三年~十六年)
一、建校歷程
民國初年,國父所著孫文學說,建國方略,建國大綱等思想,北方知者少之,在此時,北京先後所掀起的新文學運動、五四運動,新文化運動震撼全國,他們雖具愛國熱枕,但所提出的,民主、科學、全盤西化等,只是一些空洞口號,而沒有具體可行辦法,對中國固有文化傳統,發生了強烈破壞作用,軍閥割據為害尤大,共產黨亦趁機為亂。
黃埔創建以前可謂兵連禍結,民生凋敝,故民國十二年,國父乃派蔣公赴俄考察蔣公於是年十二月返國寫成遊俄報告書,並建議為求國家強盛,必先統一中國,要統一中國,必先消滅軍閥要消滅軍閥,必先建立軍隊,要建立軍隊,必先創立軍校。
十三年一月二十日第一次全國代表大會決議建立軍官學校於廣州黃埔,任命蔣公為軍校籌備委員會委員長,選定黃埔島舊有陸,海軍校為校址,是年六月十六日為黃埔開學之日,校門高懸,親愛精誠之校訓,國父偕夫人親臨主持,又頒書面訓詞曰,三民主義,吾黨所宗,以建民國,以進大同,咨爾多士,為民前鋒,夙夜匪懈,主義是從,矢勤矢勇,必信必忠,一心一德,貫徹始終。
此訓詞於民國十三年一月中國國民黨全國代表大會通過為黨歌,民國二十六年定都南京明定為國歌歌詞,本校校歌由陳祖康先生於民國十四年撰寫,民國十五年由黃埔五期開始傳唱至今。
二、教育概況
自建校開始,到遷校南京,共計招生七期,教育重點首重革命軍人精神教育,使每一學生建立革命人生觀一面參與戰鬥,有些學生文憑未領到手,歷盡東征北伐已為黨國奉獻犧牲數千人。
三、分校概述
為適應革命情勢所需,於民國十五年改組為中央軍事政治學校並廣儲幹部,又先後設潮州、武漢、長沙三所分校,均由蔣公兼任校長訓期約六個月。
潮州分校(民國十四年~十五年) 校軍第一次東征底定潮汕後,為補訓第二期學生課程乃籌設該校計招訓兩期畢業人數共計七百二十八人。
武漢分校(民國十五年~十六年)民國十五年,北伐之師達長江流域在該地設立分校並將校本部第六期政治科移置分校,計招訓兩期(第七、八期)。
長沙分校(民國十六年~十七年)民國十六年於該地設立分校只完成第七期教育。
四、黃埔時期成就與貢獻
此階段歷時六年,畢業七期,育成革命幹部八千七百八十三人黃埔子弟,既接受軍事教育復參與實際戰鬥數年之間戰勝攻克所向披靡,首弭商團之亂,兩次東征告捷參與北伐成功始終全國統一輝煌成就震古鑠今,騰譽中外。
南京時期•虎踞石城,開拓宏規(民國十七年~二十六年)
一、籌備遷校經過
南京位於長江三角洲的頂點,史稱龍盤虎踞,帝王之宅,憑高據深,形勢天成,民國十六年三月,革命軍克復南京,四月十五日決議以此為國都,蔣公發表告全體將士書云,南京為總理親自指定的都城,邦國之基自是永奠是非既明,真偽立辨,中正身負黨重任,自當率我民國革命全體將士一致效死,擁護南京建都的真正國民政府,南京既為國都,人物薈萃, 衡軏中樞黃埔軍校又為承先啟後,繼往開來的革命搖籃,自當設於京畿所在,並擬遷校南京後備專司升學教育。
黃埔母校暫負入伍教育及預科訓練之責,正當南京遷校籌備就緒十六年十一月一日正式開學之際,旋因共黨倡亂造成寧漢分裂,十一月五日,軍委會令改校名為中央陸軍軍官學校並陸續成立潮州洛陽湖南湖北江西廣州燕塘成都昆明南寧西安新疆等十一所分校,均由蔣公兼任校長各戰區總司令兼任各分校教育主任,實際推動校務如潮州分校何應欽將軍兼任江西分校陳誠將軍兼任湖南分校錢大鈞將軍兼任 。
二、教育概況
第六期和第七期學生,因遷校南京而分為南京廣州兩地師教入學和畢業雖略有差異,為教育內容概同黃埔時期自八期起全部移駐南京本校接受教育。
三、本階段成就與貢獻
南京時期由十七年至二十六年西遷成都,共教育學生八期六十三期計一萬一百二十二人,為時十年,在此期間,內憂外患相乘,實為我國家危急存亡之秋,首有共產黨稱兵作亂,野心軍人及政客背叛中央割據一方,繼而日本帝國主義,眼看中國政府剿共成功,中國即將統一,及發動侵略,二十年之九一八事變,侵佔我東三省二十一年一二八事件,在上海發動戰爭。
當九一八事變發生後,蔣公以內憂外患嚴重,中央確定抗日必先剿共,攘外必先安內,乃勗勉黃埔學生,當以忠勇愛國,不惜犧牲精神,共赴國難,二十一年五月二十一日蔣公自兼豫鄂皖三省剿共總司令,肅清大別山共區,六月十五日在廬山召集豫鄂皖贛湘五省清剿會議,以七分政治三分軍事為剿共策略,六月二十八日轉赴漢口,集中黃學生所統領之主力軍,半年之間,肅清華中共軍,日本評論謂蔣委員長在華中剿共成功,得力於黃埔學生之貢獻 。
成都時期•播遷天府,擊潰日帝(民國二十七年三十八年)
一、新址之覓定
民國二十六年春、日寇侵華日急,抗日戰爭,一觸即發,一旦中日大戰展開,軍官學校必需培養出大批幹部,以應長期抗戰之需。官校位於京畿,必將首遭攻擊,校址西遷勢在必行,而新校址的確實為重大的決策,本校於二十六年八月,由南京出發,經九江、武漢、四川、銅梁,至二十七年十一月到成都。其中四易其地歷時十六個月,學生長途跋涉,櫛風沐雨,艱苦備嘗,均能安之若素。遷校期間,因前方作戰部隊缺乏,十一、十二及十三期先後於沿途畢業分發,並在各地招收十四、十五兩期學生,抗日勝利後,本校於三十五年元月奉命改為陸軍軍官學校隸屬陸軍總部。
二、教育概況
二十六年夏,遷成都前,蔣公在南京校本部召開會議,研究爾後教育方案,決議四大原則,第一,校址遷至減少敵人擾亂威脅的環境,以加強教育效能;第二,擴大學校範圍,大量培養初級軍官,以補充前方傷亡;第三,訓練新兵,以補充作戰兵員;第四,遷校所在地區鞏固後方治安,以支持前戰局,學校遷成都後,教育方針即按以上四大原則進行,自第十四至二十三期畢業人數約三萬一千五百餘人,其中二十二期有韓國越南保送來華接受訓練學生百餘人,畢業後各返本國服務,二十三期大陸時期最後一期,於三十八年初入學,是年底重慶淪陷成都告急,蔣公蒞校後,提前於十二月四日畢業,未及分發,而成都吃緊,學校再遷西昌。
行軍途中,與匪遭遇師生且戰且進,泰半壯烈成仁,奮勇突圍者,分向川康邊境從事遊擊。該期有台灣籍學生七十七名,因中共已竄入粵北,將來台籍學生如由廣州轉台勢必困難,乃於八月底前提前畢業,由成都空運返台服務。另四十三年反共義士由韓來台內,有二十三期畢業生三十餘人,連同已回台學生共約百人。
三、本階段成就與貢獻
自二十七年十一月西遷成都,至三十八年成都撤守,歷時十一年,對抗戰建國大業,貢獻至深,舉其犖犖大者兩端如次:抗日初期,上海南京的保衛戰中,黃埔學生發揮了黃埔精神浴血苦戰,黃四期的謝晉元,領導八百壯士死守四行倉庫,揚名世界。
二十七年魯南會戰,黃埔學生投入戰場,締造了台兒莊大捷,贏得了抗日初期的光榮勝利;武漢會戰,主力部隊多由黃埔學生指揮,多次予敵重創,奠定長期抗戰之勝利基礎。
抗日後期,三次的長沙大捷及鄂西,湘西等會戰勝利,日軍傷亡慘重,自此絕其西犯鄂,川之念,使我國家得以全國動員從容應戰,從此日本師老兵疲,深陷泥淖而不能自拔,國軍漸佔優勢,我黃埔先期畢業者經長期在 戰場中之磨練,已嶄露頭角,擔任中上級將校,指揮作戰,為抗戰建國,建立殊勳。
三十年底,太平洋戰爭爆發,蔣公出任中國戰區最高統帥(包括越南,泰國),應英國要求派遣第五、六、六十六等軍,遠征緬甸,在該區苦戰兩年,戴安瀾師長黃埔三期壯烈殉國 。各軍幹部大都為黃埔子弟,其英勇犧牲精神,足可驚天地而泣鬼神。
中日之戰,初由我國單獨對日抗戰,迨珍珠港事件後,演變為同盟國聯合對日作戰,中國自此成為中,美,英,蘇四強之一,以往列強與我所訂不平等條約先後廢除。因此,中日戰爭實為中國命運之轉捩點。
參與戡亂:抗戰勝利,我國被美,英,蘇「雅爾達密約」出賣,受「中蘇友好條約」的欺騙,蘇俄支助中共,美國受中共愚弄,倡議組織聯合政府,使我軍事受到掣肘失去主動,中共得以日益猖獗。
三十六年我政府宣佈反共救民,戡亂行憲,但為時已晚,三十七年「徐蚌會戰」失利,國人惑於和平談判,缺少戰志。蔣公曾於上海指揮黃埔子弟,組織非常委員會,保衛上海,一次劇戰,予共軍重創,掩護中央政府百萬軍民,播遷至台灣與廣東。檢討戡亂時期,雖未竟全功,但先期的戴之奇(之奇樓)熊綬春(綬春樓)劉麟書(麟書樓)張靈甫(靈甫樓)蔡仁傑(仁傑樓)邱清泉(清泉樓)等諸同學,大節凜然,臨難不屈,飲彈自戕,多少黃埔子弟,為殲滅共軍而奮勇犧牲,充分發揮了黃埔精神。大陸戡亂雖遭失利,但黃埔子弟,不論存亡,都盡了全力,最後贏得金門,登步的大捷,保全台澎金馬作為解救大陸同胞復興中華的基地 。
四、總結
大陸時期黃埔軍校(含分校)計培養廿五萬餘幹部,投入東征,北伐,剿共,抗戰均能以寡擊眾,以弱克強,黃埔子弟為國盡瘁馳驅,前後犧牲十餘萬人,忠勇壯烈成仁的事蹟可與日月爭光 。
鳳山時期•寶島復校,重建中華(民國三十九年迄今)
一、鳳山復校經過
三十八年冬中共竊據大陸,政府播遷來台,次年三月一日蔣公隨即訓示說:「陸軍官校,為革命軍基本人才培植的基地,與建軍建國的前途有莫大之關係,早就應該恢復。校長一職,不能以任何人兼任,所以在校長人選未定之前,軍校的名稱不願恢復,這次任命羅友倫同志為校長,正式恢復軍校。」
並選定民國三十六年成立之「陸軍軍官學校台灣訓練班(鳳山)」為復校校址,自三十九年復校至今,由本校先期畢業的優秀同學先後出任校長,羅友倫中將為復校後第一任校長,歷屆校長均為當代傑出將領,才德兼懋,為國育才,致力於校務精進,各有建樹。
二、教育概況
復校初期:(民國三十九年~四十二年)就原有第四軍官訓練班設施及人員改編為學員總隊,另成立第二十四期學生總隊。二十四期於四十年四月入學,四十二年六月十六日畢業,訓期概約二年。期間課程區分「精神教育」、「軍事訓練」、「科學教育」、「體能訓練」四個期程施訓。
精神教育:旨在培養革命軍人之武德,養成忠貞堅定,奮鬥犧牲之精神。軍事教育:首在完成單兵、伍,班之基本戰鬥教練、作戰勤務、輕兵器射擊教練與近接戰鬥射擊技能。
科學教育:授以國文、史地、數學 、 物理、化學、及外國語文等,使學生具有一般普通科學常識。 體能訓練:著重各種運動與技能之磨練,使其能擭得平均發展,習得近戰技術,並培養其犧牲奮鬥,合作、互助之精神。
三、採行新制
第一階段(民國四十三年~四十九年)
四十三年校慶,奉蔣公指示,官校學生自二十七期起,修業期問改四年,以哲學、科學、兵學為內涵,並求其融合於一爐,以造就文武合一、術德兼修之現代軍官為目標,是為新制教育之始。以往教育係以軍事學科為主,普通學科為輔;改制後,普通學科佔總時間百分之五十五以上。
第二階段(民國五十年~六十三年)
自民國五十年(卅四期)起至六十三年(四十六期)間,其中尤以五十四年校長張立夫中將任內,對軍事教育建立起「軍事訓練第一」之觀念,並實施軍事學、術科總測驗,「夏季訓練」更稱為「軍事專精訓練」,將官校之教育推向「培養以槍桿為主體」的軍事學府,糾正走向學院之路線,恢復黃埔革命傳統精神之目標。
以「鐵的紀律,愛的教育」管理學生,使之德、智、體、群兼備,成為一個文武雙全、術德兼修之現代革命軍人。
第三階段(民週六十四年~八十七年)
民國六十四年,自四十七期起,修業期限延長為四年三個月,第一至第七學期全部修習普通學科,第八學期(二十五週 〉實施步兵班戰鬥教練及步兵連編制兵器訓練。
民國六十六年,為適應學生性向差別,使其能依興趣選擇理工或文史課程而發展,自四十八期開始增設文組專長班,畢業後授予文學士。民國六十七年本校首創專科班第一期入學,修業年限二年六個月。
民國八十年,奉國防部核定,自六十四期起修正四學年七學期制。改為四學年八學期(軍事教育利用暑期實施),使官校教育符合大學法之規範,同時實施共同必修課程,適度增加專長課程,由「通識教育」邁向「通中有專」的層次,以符建軍之實際需要,並於八十三年(六十七期)招收第一期女生;八十七年招收第一期大學儲備軍官訓練團學生(ROTC)
第四階段(民國八十八年迄今)
本校為達大學法設系要求標準,提昇學生專業學能,於八十八年元月獲教育部核准,設立電機、機械、土木、管理科學、物理、化學、資訊與政治等八個學系;另於八十九年十一月成立資訊與管理科學二個輔系,以提供同學選讀,畢業後可加授輔系學位認證。
一○七年成立「應用外語學系」,期使本校學生透過外語相關專業課程之學習,能直接汲取國外國防科技與專業知識。
一○九年增設「運動科學系」,透由運動科學及管理課程講授,將所學技能及知識,運用於提昇各級部隊整體訓練成效,以強化國軍建軍備戰關鍵基礎。
軍校學生修業年限於八十九年九月(正七十期,專科二十二期以後)修訂,正期學生修訂為四學年、專科學生為二學年之「新學年制」,並自九十年起實施。
一○九年因應國防部「軍事學校教育改革綱要計畫」,規劃自一一○年入學之學生,將第八學期調整為部隊實務見學,俾利學生任官後能無縫接軌,有效勝任其專業職能。